These conditions forced President Bouteflika to apologize and “ask forgiveness” from former guerrillas in a gathering at el-Chelf stadium that was attended by thousands of former AIS members and other former militants (el-Chelf is one of the towns in western Algeria in which the AIS had a strong presence under Ahmad Ben Aicha). The third challenge came after January 2000, when the political leaders of the FIS, Madani and Belhaj, expressed their support for behavioral de-radicalization but also their opposition to the terms of the agreement between the AIS and the regime. The second challenge was during the negotiations of 1997 and in the aftermath of the unilateral ceasefire declaration. But the core, the groups from the middle and western regions, were infiltrated from the beginning. Zeroual resigned in September 1998 and discontinued his presidential term when he refused to acknowledge the AIS ceasefire, again against the wishes of the generals. See Madani Mezraq, “A Meeting with Madani Mezraq: the National Emir of the Islamic Salvation Army,” interview by Maysoon Azzam, Mashahid wa Ara’, Al-‘Arabiya Satellite Channel, October 18, 2004. [7]. These massacres had a strong impact on the AIS decision to disarm and dismantle. Those included the freedom for him and other FIS leaders to consult with the military commanders of the AIS and other groups. » Colonel Samraoui confirmed that according to him, Touchent was an agent. (16). The importance of the ideological/theological components lay in the fact that they represent one of the hurdles against a future reversal towards violence. [71]. Another part broke away as early as 1998 and in 1999 renamed itself the Salafi Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC). [3] Those Egyptian transformations have influenced several British and other European Islamist leaders who revised their views on violence and democracy. This section, however, focuses on a specific type of repression: that directed against the AIS and its affiliates, as well as how that repression affected the AIS decision to de-radicalize. [18]. I have to take these questions into account. [56]. The terror campaign would also ensure the reign of the despots, who already had the control of the state levers, the henchmen in key posts and the division of government stocks between « the warlords ». The MIA – Algerian Islamic Movement – will keep the same acronym (for confusions’ sake!) [13]. The attorney for Boualem Bensaïd, the primary defendant for the worst of the attacks, remarked: « Someone who is able to elude capture once, twice, three times is either very adroit or is tipped off by people who know that police operations are imminent. The first challenge was in the aftermath of the unity agreement with the GIA, which the AIS had rejected in 1994. For example, Benjedid was forced to resign when he hesitated to cancel the elections against the wishes of the generals. [55]. The war with the GIA began with skirmishes in 1995 and intensified in 1996 and 1997. [28]. In addition to the “regular” forms of repression (imprisonment, torture, extra-judicial killings, media smear campaigns, and others), the massacres had a strong impact on the AIS decision to de-radicalize regardless of who was really behind them.
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